鑑於勞工遷徙是幫助失業勞工再就業之有效機制，而且針對失業勞工之遷徙研究很少見，本研究旨在區分失業勞工的三種遷徙，包括初級、回流和連續遷徙，並分析這三種遷徙與失業勞工再就業之關係。本研究問題意識是：傳統認為失業勞工遷徙係由失業者為了再就業所驅動，且既有理論和實證研究皆發現失業者較其他勞動人口有較高遷徙率，這表示失業勞工遷徙應具促進再就業之效果，但面對總體失業率難以下降的事實，這卻又表示失業勞工遷徙不必然是因失業者為了再就業所驅動。本研究以1991-2006年「人力運用擬追蹤調查資料」為基礎，目的在(1)檢驗失望假說、慣性假說、及反應假說在驅動失業勞工遷徙的理論效果；(2)探討失業勞工遷徙和再就業的關係；及(3)比較三大類遷徙對失業勞工再就業過程的相對重要性。研究主要發現：(1)三大理論皆獲得部分支持，但沒有任何一個單一理論能完全解釋失業勞工再遷徙決策；(2)失業勞工遷徙受個人過去遷徙經驗、自身因素（如性別、年齡和教育）、景氣循環、勞動市場資訊及條件、及親友網絡等要素所影響；(3)勞動狀態變化是驅動勞工遷徙要素，且相較就業者，失業勞工較易選擇回流而非連續遷徙；回流遷徙失業勞工以持續失業者為主，但連續遷徙失業勞工以再就業成功者為主；(4)雖然景氣循環對失業勞工的回流遷徙有負向效果，但失業勞工遷徙和景氣循環存在強烈正向關係，該正向關係主要是由初級遷徙及連續遷徙的失業勞工遷徙所形塑出來的；(5)有關教育和職業選擇性，失業者初級遷徙及連續遷徙以高教育及職業階層較高者為主，而失業者回流遷徙選擇性則和初級遷徙及連續遷徙相反。

Considering the contribution of labor migration to the reemployment of the unemployed and the fact that there is a paucity of studies on this in existing literature, this research studies the connections between the primary, return, and onward migrations and the reemployment of unemployed labor in Taiwan. The distinction among these three types of migration is essential for avoiding ambiguous and misleading empirical findings. A motivation for this research is the desire to obtain insights into the apparent contradiction between the relatively high geographical mobility of the unemployed and the persistence of a high unemployment rate in Taiwan since the mid-1990s. Based on the 1991-2006 ”Quasi-Longitudinal Manpower Utilization Survey”, the research goals are threefold: (1) to assess the effectiveness of the ”disappointment hypothesis”, ”chronicity hypothesis”, and ”responsiveness hypothesis” in explaining repeat (i.e. onward and return) migration behaviors of the unemployed; (2) to ascertain the relationship between migration of the unemployed and reemployment; (3) to distinguish the relative effectiveness of primary, onward, and return migrations in promoting reemployment of the unemployed. Major research findings are as follows: (1) the three hypotheses all gain partial support, and none could exclusively explain the repeat migration behaviors of the unemployed; (2) past migration experiences, individual characteristics (gender, age, education, etc.), business cycle, availability of labor market information, and ties to and strength of kinship-friendship networks are crucial in explaining the migration behaviors of the unemployed; (3) a change in labor force status tends to trigger labor migration, and relative to the employed workforce, the unemployed are more prone to choose return migration than onward migration; (4) once the decision of repeat migration has been made, the unemployed who eventually get reemployed are more likely to engage in onward migration than the unemployed who do not successfully acquire a new job; (5) although the business cycle exhibits the expected negative effect on return migration for the unemployed, the positive association between the business cycle and migration of the unemployed is mainly shaped by its effect on primary and onward migrations amongst the unemployed; (6) in contrast to its primary and onward counterparts, return migration of the unemployed is selective of those with less human capital and lower in the occupational hierarchy.

「步調效果」(tempo effect)的研究首度出現在生育率上，之後逐漸擴展至其他時期率的討論，尤其是初婚率與死亡率。所謂的「步調效果」是指慣用的「時期」測量，其多種率與平均餘命會受到「步調」影響，產生偏誤的情形(Bongaarts and Feeney 2006)。有鑑於此，去除年齡改變所造成的扭曲，估計「實際」的趨勢變化已成為長久以來學界努力的目標。一般均接受生育步調改變會對時期別生育率產生影響，但對於死亡率的步調效果則有較大爭議。另一方面，臺灣目前僅有生育率與初婚率步調效果的研究，對於死亡率步調的討論與經驗研究尚付之闕如。因此本研究乃針對死亡率步調作系統性的討論，進一步探究臺灣死亡率的步調效果，瞭解死亡率下降的過程中，平均餘命受步調效果的影響與實際變化趨勢。研究結果發現，臺灣成人死亡率的變化同於其他高平均餘命國家，更接近邏輯斯模型(logistic model)而非Gompertz模型。此外，在當時條件(current conditions)的觀點下，調整過後的平均餘命與生育率一樣，為去除步調效果後的時期測量。當去除死亡的步調效果後，慣用的平均餘命有高估的現象，且女性大於男性，平均的步調效果各為2.3與2.1，女性的步調效果高於瑞典、美國、德國、丹麥、英格蘭與威爾斯，原因可能是臺灣死亡率下降的速度較快，造成步調效果偏高的情形。再者，兩性在調整過後平均餘命之差異上，一路呈現平滑的上升趨勢，但在時期別指標之差異上卻受到步調效果影響，分成兩階段的變化，期間上下波動，這也顯示使用調整過後的平均餘命比未調整的平均餘命可能更可以反映當時的死亡率條件。

The tempo effect was first discussed and applied to fertility studies, before being extended to other fields such as marriage and mortality. The tempo effect means that the period quantum and tempo of conventional life tables are impacted by tempo, which results in bias (Bongaarts and Feeney 2006). Therefore, the goal of recent studies has been to adjust this tempo distortion, which results from a rise or fall in the mean age at which an event occurs, and to estimate the actual period measure of longevity. In general, the fertility tempo effect is widely accepted, but the mortality tempo effect remains controversial. Studies of the tempo effect on fertility and first marriage have been examined thoroughly in Taiwan. For this reason, our research focuses on the mortality tempo effect, and explores unadjusted and adjusted life expectancies in Taiwan. Our results show first, that the observed adult mortality rate fits the logistic model better than the Gompertz model, as in other countries with high life expectancy. On the other hand, tempo adjusted life expectancy measures current conditions, as does fertility. Second, when the tempo effect on mortality is excluded (thus the value of average life span is increased), the conventional life expectancy has a positive bias, with women having a higher life expectancy than men, and the average tempo effect is 2.3 and 2.1 years respectively. Finally, the tempo effect on women in Taiwan is higher than that in Sweden, the U.S., Germany, Denmark, England and Wales. The reason might be that mortality in Taiwan has decreased more sharply than other countries, causing the tempo effect to be higher. We conclude that the adjusted life expectancy is more accurate than the unadjusted one.

離婚的「經濟獨立假說」在國外文獻中仍處於爭論的狀態，實證上並無明確結論，相關婚姻理論也遭到挑戰；不過，臺灣的相關研究卻相當支持「女性就業及其經濟獨立會提高離婚風險」這個論點。本文利用華人家庭動態資料庫及事件史分析法來重探這個問題，所得到的結果並未完全符合此假說：處於就業狀態的女性，離婚事件發生的機會較高，看似符合經濟獨立假說的預測，然而，若進一步將女性婚後至今參與勞動市場的時間比例納入考慮時，雖證實了婚後至今經常處於就業狀態的女性（相較於就業量居間的女性）離婚風險偏高，但同時卻也發現，女性於婚後若長期處於未就業狀態，也同樣有顯著較高的離婚機會。換言之，就業量與離婚機會，兩者之間呈現了U型的關係。此分析結果與相關討論對經濟獨立論提出兩項質疑：一、就業量較高的「就業型已婚女性」離婚風險雖偏高，但除了所得（經濟獨立）效應之外，工時（蠟燭兩頭燒）效應也是可能的影響機制。二、就業量偏低的「家庭型已婚女性」，離婚風險亦偏高，顯然完全不符合「經濟獨立假說」的預測，女性若是缺乏經濟能力，未能提供家庭貢獻，可能也會減少婚姻中的協商能力。

The well-known economic independence hypothesis accounting for marital dissolution has been challenged in Western countries for the past two decades. However, existing studies in Taiwan claim that women's labor force participation destabilizes marriage. This study re-examines the question by taking advantage of marriage and work history information from Taiwan's Panel Study of Family Dynamics (PSFD) and event history analysis. While taking into consideration the amount of women's labor force participation, we found that the results do not fully support the economic independence hypothesis. Not only do wives who work most of the time during marriage have a higher divorce risk (compared with those who work one to three fourths of the length of marriage), but stay-home wives are significantly more likely to divorce, too. It is possible that women's lack of bargaining power due to a low level of labor market involvement has a negative impact on marriage stability.

遷徙係許多臺灣原住民共同的生命歷程，都市原住民與原鄉原住民所面臨的社會處境截然不同，本文擺脫以往對都市原住民問題化的關切，關注這群移徙族群所經歷的族群社會界線的改變。本研究運用「臺灣原住民社會變遷與政策評估」調查資料，自空間與婚姻上的同化行為，檢視原住民在經歷四十餘年的移徙後，自世代的觀點比較原漢族群距離與社會界線的改變。研究發現如下：(1)二代都原較年輕、人力品質結構較佳、職業發展較佳、通婚比例亦較高；(2)社會接觸有助於縮減族群社會距離，社會接觸的效應對一代都原較二代都原更重要；(3)二代都原較一代都原更易跨越族群社會界線；(4)社會接觸越頻繁、社會距離越小，通婚機率越高。

Migration is the common trajectory for most of the indigenous in Taiwan, but the social situations they encounter are totally different between the urban indigenous and those who stay in traditional areas. Instead of concentrating on the social problems urban indigenous might encounter, this paper focuses on the effect of social distance that migrants might experience and whether they can overcome the so-called ethnic boundaries. The research uses the data of the Taiwan Indigenous People Survey (TIPS) both to reveal those aspects of space distribution, employment status and social distance among urban indigenous and to elaborate the difference between the first and second migrant generations. The main findings are as follows: (1) the second migrant generation are much younger, better educated and have a higher probability of ethnic intermarriage and better job opportunities than the first generation; (2) the social contact with other ethnic groups has a positive effect on decreasing social distance between the indigenous and Han people; moreover the effect is more significant among the first generation than the second one; (3) the second generation is more likely to cross the social boundary than the first one; (4) for both generations, the effects of social contact and social distance on predicting the probability of ethnic intermarriage are both significant.

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