雖然人口學文獻上對於近代各國生育率下跌的原因頗有爭議，諸多理論探討與經驗（歷史）研究卻均指出，嬰幼兒死亡率之下跌乃是主要原因之一，在嬰幼兒死亡率對生育率的各種可能作用中，被認為較為確定且屢經討論的，有「間距」、「補償」、與「保險」三種效果。「間距」效果係指授乳中的嬰幼兒死亡，因中斷授乳而縮短生育間距，而致增加生育。「補償」效果係指子女死亡後，婦女運用其殘餘生育力企圖彌補損失的子女。「保險」效果則指婦女因恐懼子女死亡而多事生育以備未來的可能損失。本文使用臺灣地區高、低生育率鄉鎮的機率樣本資料，檢討嬰幼兒死亡率影響生育率的上述三種效果，發現實行授乳的婦女平均產生較大的生育間距，有嬰幼兒死亡經驗的婦女則產生較高的生育晉級率，而對於嬰幼兒死亡有較強恐懼者生育量也較多，顯示這三種效果確有影響生育行為的作用。

Relationships between the decline of infant and child mortality and the subsequent reduction of fertility may turn out the most prominent issues in literature of “population transition”. Several possible mechanisms relating infant and child mortality to fertility behavior have been proposed and studied. Among them, the “interval”, “replacement”, and “insurance” effects appear to be the most thoroughly examined. This paper documents the working of these “effects” with statistics from a probabilistic sample of women in Taiwan.

本文從家計生產模型出發，將Ben-Porath與Welch探討性別偏好之風險模型予以簡化，建立可供檢定之命題，隨後利用臺灣之家計資料，分析臺灣地區是否存在性別偏好？如果答案是肯定的，則進一步分析性別偏好屬於何種型態？性別偏好之原因又是如何？最後，也是最重要的，則在檢視性別偏好對生育決策的影響。
實證結果發現：(1)臺灣地區「至少一個男嬰」的偏好明顯；(2)雖然「至少一個男嬰」偏好形成原因中，源於嗜好之不同與源於養育男女相對價格之不同均有其影響，惟異質嗜好所帶來之影響程度較大；(3)「至少一個男嬰」之偏好對生育率有著顯著的正影響。

The quality of children has been mostly discussed in as far as it can affect fertility. The sex of children is a particularly important subject in this context. Because a child’s sex is stochastically determined, Ben-Porath and Welch used the household production approach to identify risky decision points. The purpose of this paper is two-fold. One is to simplify the Ben-Porath and Welch’s model. The other is to use KAP data in Taiwan to examine the causes of preferring to have at least one boy and to test in what direction and the degree to which such preference affects fertility.
The results can be summarized as follows: (1)Preferring to have at least one boy is significant in Taiwan, (2)The data support both the assumption of inelastic demand and mild learning, (3)Concerning the dummy variable for the existence of at least one boy preference, it can be shown that the regression coefficients for each of family structure, wife’s education and husband’s occupation were statistically significant at the .01 significance level, and (4)When the impact of “at least one boy preference” on completed family size is concerned, the regression coefficient for the existence of at least one boy preference is positive as expected and also the most significant variable included.

晚近臺灣地區之離婚率急遽上升，這一趨勢對於婚姻一向極穩固的我國，形成極大的震撼。不但帶給已婚夫婦很大的壓力與惶恐，並且造成部分及齡未婚男女的婚姻恐懼。使國人對於日益開放、多變與多元化的現代社會心存膽怯，大有不知如何適應之苦，形成令人矚目的社會問題。
本文為瞭解臺灣地區育齡有偶婦女初婚的穩定程度，特就省家研所於民國74年夏天舉辦的「民國72年及73年臺灣地區有偶婦女人工流產實施狀況調查」完成的巨大樣本（12,000案以上）之資料，選取初婚年齡、婚前懷孕及婚姻的決定方式等一般官方統計書上欠缺的因素（自變項），以探討其與初婚的持續者或已婚者比例（依變項）之間的關係。分析過程以初婚後的年數加權（因為它與婚姻解組有很密切的關係），求取「標準化比例」為比較的基準，其間並以X2檢定其在統計上是否具有顯著差異。
本實徵性研究發現：未成年的早婚者、過分遲婚者、訂婚前懷孕、未訂婚但婚前懷孕、以及由男女雙方自己決定的婚姻等潛伏著較高的初婚穩定的危機。而20～29歲的適齡初婚者、結婚後才懷孕、訂婚後結婚前懷孕、以及由男女雙方與家長商議決定的婚姻等都具有顯著較高的初婚穩定性。

The divorce rate is rapidly getting higher in Taiwan Area recently. This forms a great shock in Taiwan Area where marriage generally kept stable all the time. The new situation brings a certain degree of pressure and even panic to the married couples, and makes unmarried people feeling unreliable of marriage. People do not know how to adjust to the new situation. As one indicator of rapid social change, the higher and higher divorce rates becomes one of currently significant social problems.
This study is to know the degree of the stability of first marriage among married women of childbearing age in Taiwan Area. The data used here is from “A Survey of Practice of Induced Abortion Among Married Women in Taiwan Area. ” The survey collected more than twelve thousand cases’ data. The data about age of first marriage, premarried pregnancy, and way of decision-making in marriage, which are unavailable in governmental fact-books, are analyzed here to know their relationships with marriage continuation and the proportion of remarriage. In our analysis, the proportions of marriage disintegration of subgroups were weighted according to number of years after first marriage, which is related to the degree of danger in marriage disintegration, to get ‘standardized proportions’ as our basic measure. Chi-square test is used to find whether there are statistically significant differences.
As a result, we found that the first marriage is more dangerous for those who got pregnant before engagement or before marriage without engagement, who got married younger than twenty, who got married very late, and who made decision about marriage by themselves. On the contrary, the first marriage tends to be more stable for those who got pregnant firstly after marriage or after engagement, who got married between twenty and twenty-nine, and who made decision about their marriage jointly with parents.

Taiwan is a newly developed and industrialized area, and along with Korea, Brazil, Argentina and a few other countries belongs in a special class of recently industrialized areas. Taiwan has been undergoing large-scale modernization since the early 1950s when the Nationalist government first began to implement land-reform programs and today is one of the showcase newly developed areas in the world. We know from demographic transition theory that fertility is negatively associated with modernization. During the past three decades, fertility in Taiwan has followed this pattern in a most dramatic manner. Studies of childlessness conducted in Western countries have shown also that as the modernizing influences continue, fertility declines, and childlessness increases as it becomes more and more voluntary. Subregions with the highest levels of modernization and the lowest fertility rates should therefore be characterized by the highest levels of childlessness, particularly among younger women; and vice versa. Given the levels of socioeconomic and demographic development in Taiwan and its subregions in the crica-1980 period, as well as its variability among the hsiens and major cities, we would expect to find higher levels of childlessness in the more developed localities, and lower levels in the less developed subareas. This hypothesis is tested with data from the 1980 Census of Population and Housing, General Report, Taiwan－Fukien Area (Republic of China, 1982) and the 1980 Taiwan－Fukien Demographic Fact Book (Republic of China, 1980).

如同南韓、巴西、阿根廷以及其它一些國家屬於近期工業化地區一樣，臺灣也是一個新發展起來的工業化地區。臺灣的大規模現代化過程始自1950年國民政府的土地改革方案，至今已成為世界發達地區的一個典型。
眾所周知的人口轉變理論表明，生育率的變化反相關於現代化過程。在過去的三十年裡，臺灣的生育率變化也跟隨這種理論模式。
西方的無子女問題研究已經證明，隨著現代化的影響，生育率下降，自願無子女的比例隨之增加。現代化程度高的低生育率地區，其無子女比例同時亦很高，特別是年青婦女更日趨於無子女化。相反的，現代化程度低的地區，無子女比例則低。
如果以1980年臺灣各地區的社會經濟、人口發展的程度、以及在各地區和主要城市的變化為基礎，我們期望的結果是其發展程度高的地區，無子女比例也高；發展程度低的地區，無子女比例則低。我們將使用1980年臺灣地區的人口，住宅調查資料與1980年臺灣地區人口統計資料去驗證這種假設。

This paper assessed the role of family in affecting contraceptive and reproductive behavior of married couples. The analysis lied in the broad conceptual framework of the “family of obligations, ” which included both kinsmen and non-relatives. It was hypothesized that members of the family of obligations had a significant influence upon the married couple’s way of life including their fertility behavior. The hypothesized model was tested by using survey data collected in Thailand. The results revealed some interventions exerted by the family on the following matters: marriage, family planning practice, fertility, and sex preference for children. It was observed that the patterns of interventions on contraceptive use and fertility appeared to relate closely to life cycle stages. Additional examination of the impact of family interventions upon married couples’ contraceptive practice and actual fertility did not lend support to the hypothesis. Use of contraception was shown to be a direct function of life cycle, implying that practice of family planning was likely to occur when the number of desired family size had been reached. With regard to the influence of family interventions upon fertility, the data indicated that fertility outcomes of married couples affect interventions by the family rather than the reverse.

本文旨在探討家庭對夫婦避孕及生育行為之影響，分析時採用一般所泛稱之「責任家庭」（Family of Obligations）的理念架構，其家庭成員包括親人和無親屬關係之個人，因為彼此在生活上互負責任而可能左右家庭中之夫婦行為。上述關係經以1982年在泰國收集的調查資料加以驗證，結果顯示家庭對結婚、家庭計畫之實行、生育、以及子女性別偏好等都有某些干預，但家庭對避孕方法及生育行為之干預型態顯示和夫婦之生命週期階段有密切關聯。進一步分析得知，家庭干預對夫婦之施行避孕和實際生育水準的影響，並不支持「責任家庭」臆說。使用避孕方法只受生命週期的影響，當家庭已達希望子女數時，夫婦就實施家庭計畫。至於家庭干預與生育行為的關係，資料顯示生育結果影響家庭干預，而不是家庭干預影響生育結果。

Based on the data from a nationwide survey of labor force participation conducted in 1985 by the Office of the Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics, Executive Yuan, Republic of China, this project tries to modify Caldwell’s Wealth Flows Theory in order to analyze fertility behavior of married women.
Caldwell’s Wealth Flows Theory indicates that a patriarchal family has a significant effect on fertility. Unless the patriarchal family structure is replaced by a nuclear family system, he claims, fertility levels will remain relatively high in developing countries. However, he does not discuss social factors which may influence the process of change in the family structure and which factors in the patriarchal family may influence fertility. To make up this shortcoming, this paper shows that female educational level, employment patterns, and occupational prestige brings about change in the family structure. This research also indicates that women with higher education and occupational prestige have lower fertility. In addition, it finds that female occupational status is a main factor to bring about change in the family structure.

應用來自民國七十四年行政院主計處收集的「臺灣地區婦女生育與就業調查資料」，本文試著去修正科威爾的財富流動理論以便分析已婚婦女的生育行為。
科威爾（J. C. Caldwell）的財富流動理論（Wealth Flows Theory）指出，父系家庭對生育有顯著的影響。他認為在開發中國家中，除非小家庭制度取代此父系家庭結構，否則其生育力會維持偏高的狀態。然而科威爾沒有討論造成家庭制度變遷的社會因素以及傳統父系家庭結構中的那些因素會影響生育力。為彌補此缺失，本文特別指出婦女的教育程度、就業經驗和職業類別會導致家庭結構的變遷。另外本研究亦指出，即使在傳統的父系家庭裡，教育程度和職業階層高的婦女，其生育力較低。

This paper has reviewed previous research and statistical data concerning urbanization and its relationship to migration in Taiwan during 1900-1985 period. The level of urbanization was very low when Taiwan was under Japanese rule. The low level of industrialization and the difficulty of communication and transportation in the early stage of development may have impeded migration. Beginning in 1953, Taiwan began a series of economic construction plans. Modern industries have been burgeoning in many big cities and their peripherial townships, thus accelerating the urbanization process. The data clearly show that the growth rate of the urban population has been much faster than the rate of change in the proportion that is urban. During the 1920-40 period the population of Taiwan gradually moved from places of early settlement to new city centers or newly developed areas. It is quite clear that the process of metropolitan dispersion has increased with the development of urbanization in Taiwan.
The pattern of city growth was not consistent from period to period. It was reverse U-shaped for the 1950-60 period, upward-wave-shaped for the 1960-70 period, and J-shaped for the 1970-85 period. If a longer period (e.g., 1947-85) was observed, then it became upward-wave-shaped again. It is quite clear that there is no simple relationship between city size and city growth. This relationship is affected by stage of development; it also appears to be affected by duration of observation. Generally, the longer the interval observed, and the later the period analyzed, the more the upward-wave-shape holds for the relationship.
Many scholars maintain that urban growth in developing countries results primarily from the natural increase of urban populations. However, judging from the rapid urban growth in Taiwan during the 1953-85 period, and considering the natural increase contributed by migrants in urban areas, it is likely that rural-urban migration is a more important source of urban growth.

本研究檢討有關都市化之相關研究及統計資料藉以澄清臺灣地區自1900－1985年間都市化之情形及其與人口遷移之關係。臺灣在日據時代都市化的程度很低，而且在開發初期工業不發達、交通不便阻礙了人口遷移。自1953年開始一系列的經建計畫之後許多新興工業位於大都市及其周圍之市鎮，因而加速都市化之過程。本研究發現臺灣都市成長的模式各階段並不一致，在1950-60年代是倒U字型，1960-70年代是向上波動型，1970-85年代是U字型。假若觀察的時間較長（如1947-85年間）則呈現向上波動型。都市大小與都市成長並非單向的關係，其間之關係受社會發展的階段及觀察時間長短的影響。一般而言觀察時期越長，且越是晚近的資料則都市大小與都市成長呈現向上波動的關係。本研究資料顯示都市人口增加的速度遠比都市化比例改變的速度快。
在1920到1940年代期間，臺灣地區的人口逐漸由早期墾殖地移至新開發地區，在都市化的速度中亦伴隨著大都會人口之分散。許多學者認為開發中國家都市人口之成長主要是因自然增加的結果，但是臺灣地區都市人口之增加，鄉村人口之移入更具影響力。

In order to reduce the teenage pregnancies, we investigated the socio-economic characteristics as well as KAP in regard to family planning among 786 teenage mothers with their first births registered in Taipei city in 1978 through household interviews. Significant personal factors like younger age, less education, lack of knowledge of family planning, conservative attitude to use contraception before first delivery and conservative attitude toward premarital pregnancy etc, are examined. Significant others’ factors like parent’s education, family attitude toward premarital pregnancy etc, and situational factors like migration to city, working in factories, restaurants, etc. exposure to premarital sexual contact, use of contraceptives, limited availability of artificial abortion were studied. These factors contribute directly or indirectly to accepting the premarital pregnancy or the pregnancy soon after marriage even during the teenage years. As a result, the teenager became a mother. Some socio-economic and health consequences are reviewed and discussed.

為了減少青少年之生育，我們將民國六十七年有登記為第一胎出生之二十歲以下生母，研究其經濟社會學上之特徵，包括其年齡、婚姻狀況、教育、職業、家庭背景以及對家庭計畫之知識、態度及行為。本研究係以問卷做家庭訪視調查，計有786人完成訪問。
其結果如下：

• 1.百分之九十二點七其生育年齡在十七歲至十九歲。
• 2.她們之教育程度比同齡者低。
• 3.百分之九十三點五其結婚年齡在十六歲至十九歲。
• 4.僅百分之八點四之生育係未婚的，且愈年輕的生母，未婚生育之比率愈高。訪視時有百分之三點一仍未婚，百分之一點四離婚，百分之零點七分居。
• 5.未生育前有百分之八十九有工作，生育後僅百分之三十點五有工作，工作性質一半是屬生產、運輸工作人員，其他是服務、買賣及佐理工作人員。
• 6.其配偶有百分之十四亦係二十歲以下，但未婚生育者中其配偶亦係二十歲以下則佔百分之十五點九。婚後有百分之十三點六配偶要當兵，不過其他大部分之配偶均有工作。
• 7.其家庭背景均屬中下，平均家庭收入每月約一萬元。
• 8.有百分之三十五點九者從十五歲起就不與父母住而與親朋或單獨住。
• 9.年齡愈小之生母，或其父親之教育程度愈低者，則其愈早交男朋友，且有關之生育知識亦愈欠缺。
• 10.婚前懷孕組比婚後懷孕組，其父親之教育程度係文盲或大專教育程度較偏多。
• 11.百分之九十四點一在第一次性行為沒有使用避孕方法，百分之七十九點五有婚前性行為，故本次生育係屬婚前懷孕佔百分之六十七點四。
• 12.若婚前發生懷孕，大部分均希望結婚生子，此係受了家庭人員態度之影響或人工流產之獲得有困難之影響，故她們就當了年輕的媽媽，不過生了一個小孩後，百分之六十六點九均有採用某種避孕方法（另有百分之十二點二又懷孕，百分之二十點九未避孕）。

For almost two decades, feminist scholars have been creating a body of research on women and gender that is both interdisciplinary and specific to many fields in the social sciences and humanities. This work has become an international enterprise with many shared concepts and principles, but it also varies among different contexts. This paper will introduce several concepts and approaches that have wide use and utility in feminist scholarship. It will indicate those areas where research has been most extensive, particularly, though not exclusively, drawing on literature published in English. It will then speculate on how the cultural contexts in which the research has been created has shaped the work. Finally, it will provide some examples of the different institutional contexts within which research and teaching on women are being conducted internationally.

近廿年來，女性主義學者已經開創了一個女性與性別的研究體系，其中包括有科際整合，以及人文或社會科學中的各個領域。這種工作已經成為今日國際研究的一大特色，有許多觀點與原理原則在其間被大家所共同分享，但彼此間仍舊有個別差異存在。
在此論文中，將介紹許多在研究上廣為女性主義學者所應用的觀點及研究方法，主要以英文出版的文獻為範圍，如此一方面可說明研究的焦點何在，也期使研究能將反映不同的社會文化脈絡納為必要且固定的工作要項。最後更提出國際性的例子，說明不同的制度體系中，其研究與教學上的運作情形。