本研究探用1990年普查資料百分之一隨機樣本，推估出臺灣地區的單親戶約佔全部普通住戶(但括單人戶)的3.9％，將近20萬戶，而男女單親比為四比六。若只考慮戶中有未成年兒童，那麼臺灣地區單親戶約佔6.5％；也就是說，在有未成年兒童的家庭中，每十五戶約有一戶是單親戶。在另一方面，若以「人」為單位，所推估出「單親兒童」的數量則為三十五萬餘人，佔十八歲以下兒童的5.4％，即大約每十八個兒童有一個和單親同住。若單從上述比例來看，1990年臺灣單親家庭並不如西方社會普遍；然而，從普查資料中所顯示的單親，必須已是具備離婚、喪偶、或未婚的身份，並且有「十八歲以下未婚子女」同住。因此，對於夫妻因工作關係分居之「暫時單親」，或有夫妻之名而無夫妻之實的「準單親」，都不在計算立內；所以上述的數字在現實生活中，都應該是「下限」。
至於單親戶的分佈，若從單親戶佔該縣市總戶數的比例來看，以臺東縣、花蓮縣、屏東縣為最高，以苗栗縣、嘉義縣、臺北市為最低。若以絕對數字來比較，以臺北縣、臺北市、和高雄市為最多，而澎湖縣、嘉義市、苗栗縣為最少。有關單觀的特性，整體來說，離婚單親為最多(佔58%)、喪偶單親其次(佔38%)、未婚單親最少(佔4％)；其中男單親以離婚為最多，但是在女單親中，喪偶和離婚者比例接近。此外，「目前有工作」的單親有70.6%，沒有作者佔29.4%，其中男單親有工作者比女單親有工作者高出21％。最後關於單親兒童，本研究發現平均每個單親戶有1.84個「十八歲以下未婚子女」同住，這些「單親兒童」的男女性別比差不多是各佔一半。

This research employs one percent of random sample from the 1990 Census data in Taiwan area. After programming the nested data with around 50 thousand household units, this research estimates the proportion of single-parent households over the overall households (including single-person household) as 3.9%。 Besides, using the households consisting of children under 18 as the denominator, I re-estimate the figure as 6.5%.I also calculate the proportion of children who were living with single parents, and obtain the figure 5.4%－that is, one of every 18 children in Taiwan lived with single parents in 1990. These figures are calculated under the welfare-oriented definition of‘single parent family` ,in which parents are either divorced, widowed, or single, with unmarried children aged under 18 living together.
The male-female sex ratio of single parents is 4 to 6. In Taiwan, most single fathers are divorced, while single mothers are largely due to divorce as well as widow. In 1990, 70.6% single fathers were employed and about half of single mothers had jobs. In this paper, we also report the frequency and percentage distribution of ‘single-parent household` by 23 administration districts in Taiwan.

本研究的主要目的在比較影響臺北市與臺灣鄉村地區人口老化因素的差異。在資料的時間選擇上配合臺北市改制，以西元1968年至1993年作為研究的時間範圍；資料來源為內政部歷年出版的「中華民國臺閩地區人口統計」；並以同時期臺灣地區的人口資料作為比較的基礎。
本研究利用Preston所發展的人口老化分解公式分別分解25年期間影響臺灣地區及臺北市、臺灣鄉村地區人口平均年齡老化各因素（包括出生、死亡和遷移）的貢獻。研究結果發現，無論是臺灣地區、臺北市或臺灣鄉村地區，均以出生因素對其人口老化影響最大。此乃人口轉型後期粗出生率過低所造成人口老化的必然現象。因此若欲減緩三地區的人口老化速度，當從增加出生率著手，較易達成目標。
鄉村地區的自然因素（包括出生與死亡）對抑制人口老化的貢獻居三地區之冠，然而其人口每年的淨移出現象卻又助長了不小比例的老化趨勢，反而造成整體上鄉村地區成為三地老化速度最快者。因此欲解決鄉村地區的人口老化問題，除了不可忽略影響比重最大的出生因素之外，一般鄉村學者所呼籲的「鄉村青年外流加速鄉村人口老化」也不能不重視。換言之，鄉村人口的淨移出雖非促成其人口老化的主因，但其影響力也不容忽視。
臺北市的自然因素對抑制人口老化的貢獻居三地區之末，其人口每年的淨移入現象發揮了些許人口老化抑制的效果，使得其人口的老化速度不致過快。臺北市的出生因素是三地區中最值得重視的一環，由於遷移因素的混淆，使我們低估了其出生因素對其人口老化的影響力。臺北市人口老化的解決之道，除了「提昇出生率」之外，恐怕別無他法。目前臺北市的人口密度高居全臺之冠（9,762人／平方公里），若欲利用淨遷入以抑制人口老化，由於其抑制效果無法與出生因素比擬，及其必須付出「人口分佈不均」的重大社會成本換取效果不彰的「抑制老化」目的，顯然並不值得。

Ageing has been regarded as an important social concern for Taiwan. This paper extends research on the difference in ageing factors between Taipei City and Taiwan`s rural area in terms of the changes in fertility, mortality, and mirgration rates. The equations developed by Preston et al. have been adopted to decompose the rate of ageing measured by the mean age. The analysis--based on data collected from 1968-1993 demographic data in Taiwan-Fukien Demographic Fact Book, Republic of China--provides strong evidence that population process (fertility, mortality, and migration) has different influence on their population ageing of Taipei City and Taiwan's rural area.
Being compared with ageing in overall Taiwan area, the suppressive effect of changes in natural factors (including birth and death rates) on ageing of rural area is stronger than that of overall Taiwan area, and it is also larger than that of Taipei City.
However, the social factor (migration) shows pulling up ageing in rural area while it presents pushing down ageing in Taipei City.

This study is based on a survey of 5,046 elderly citizens residing in Taiwan in 1988. It is aimed to find out if living arrangements play a role of intervening or specification variable. To fulfill this goal, primary and secondary sources of living costs are used to derive four types of economic supports for the elderly. They are independent, supplementary, semi-dependent and dependent types. We are surprised to note that only 43.3% of the elderly are solely dependent on their children. The semidependent type, supplementary type and independent type account for 14.8%, 18.6% and 15.0% respectively. Our analytical results suggest that living arrangements play a role of specification. Of the elderly who are not living with children, these have substantially greater proportions of the independent type than those living with children.

本文採用行政院主計處所舉辦之1988年臺灣地區青少年及老年狀況調查，以其中5,046位老人資料進行分析，其目的在探討居住安排是否扮演一種中介或特化變數的角色。為達成此項目的，我們採用老人生活費主要及次要來源兩個變數導出老人經濟奉養之四種類型──獨立型、輔助型、準依賴型及依賴型。我們發現只有43.3%老人純粹依賴子女提供生活費，而準依賴型、輔助型及獨立型分別為14.8%、18.6%及15.0%。進一步的分析顯示居住安排是扮演特化變數的角色。不與子女同住的老人中，屬於獨立型的比例遠多於與子女同住老人之該型比例。

人口學家和政策者近年來已把「人口老化」所帶來的社會衝擊和衛生福利政策需求當作焦點。其中的核心問題便是老年人口的依賴性──不論是經濟上的，抑或醫療、生活照顧上的依賴。因此，從一個人口的集體的特性面出發，人口學家便直接將老年人口定義作「依賴人口」，創造了新的學術語言。然而，一群社會人口的依賴性，不少是經過社會建構出來的。而且老年人口的依賴是具有結構性的，深深受到社會階層、性別、種族、城鄉及世代社會變遷因素的影響，可從淵遠流長、根深蒂固的生產年齡所經歷的社會資源分佈不均狀態下延續到「老來的生活品質」，並且此不均還有「深化」、「極化」的可能。這些不平等的依賴結構因素中，又以「性別」因素最為深遠，且最易受到各層文化及制度性的掩蓋，隱入「家庭」之私有範疇內，不像「社會階層」等公共領域的問題受到政治運作的批判和檢視而得以彰顯出來。而本篇論文即嘗試以社會建構角度出發，探討老年依賴的結構，並以老人婦女為例，根據國內現存的官方統計資料與各種量化及質性研究結果，說明社會文化及國家政策對兩性的依賴結構不平等現況及女性依賴性的建構特質之影響。

The purpose of the paper is to examine the nature and the structure of elderly women’s dependency condition and the underlying socio-cultural-political forces. From the social constructive perspective, we focused on three constructive forces－the Chinese patriarchal/patrilocal family system, the gender role, and the state policy on elderly welfare. Three types of dependency－economic dependency, dependency for personal and health care, and living arrangement were examined. The nature of dependency which related to inter- vs. intra- generational relationship, and to the public vs. private/family provision is also our emphasis. By reanalyzing the existing official statistics and research report, we discovered four major findings: 1/Women`s familial roles have confined them to private social space, and their disadvantaged economic conditions and needs have been invisible and ignored in the public policy discourse; 2/Due to “the patrilineal living arrangement”, “high prevalence of widowhood”, and “the lack of longterm care services”, elderly women have had to depend on their sons and daughters-in-laws for varieties of needs; 3/Women’s high dependency on sons and daughters-in-laws creates great tension between in-laws and affect the well-being and social rights of these two generations of women; 4/Different problems and faced by women of different cohorts due to rapid social and political changes in Taiwan. Their specific needs for social services have also been ignored.

工作生涯常受到家庭角色的特殊要求而中斷，是已婚婦女迥異於男性的勞動特質之一，而值得注意的是，家庭生活週期此一概念對於解釋女性勞動行為的中斷時機往往提供了重要的參考架構。本文利用1991年臺灣社會變遷基本調查問卷的相關變項。依家庭發展週期的不同階段，由貫時性的角度將女性的就業型態視為一連續性的工作生涯，探討有學齡前子女的已婚婦女，如何在家庭生活週期的制約下，於工作與家庭之取得動態的平衡（即就業型態），並進一步討論影響女性不同就業型態的因素。主要的結論有三：第一，有學齡前子女已婚婦女四個主要的就業型態依比例高低依序分「不中斷就業型」、「婚後中斷就業型」、「生育中斷就業」、以及「從未就業型」，共佔88.1%，其餘11.9%的婦女就業型態雖然凌亂，並不足以代表臺灣已婦婦女普遍的就業型態，但卻足以說明已婚婦女家庭角色與工作角色動態組合的多變性。第二，從臺灣婦女的實際的就業型態組合來看，我們發現，臺灣婦女「M型」就業類型很少，顯示婦女一旦脫離勞動力市場，再回到就業市場的情形並不普遍，與所謂的「理想就業」觀有相當的出入。第三，進一步討論影響女性不同就業型態的因素，我們發現，婦女個人的特性相當程度地影響了女性的就業類型，世代差異、教育程度與婦女婚前職業層級都與就業型態的選擇有了密切相關，家庭背景對就業的影響，則以母親就業經驗的有無，對女性就業型態呈現顯著的影響，至於已婚婦女的家庭特質中，子女數的多寡牽制了女性就業的可能性，早婚則影響了不就業與連續就業這二組極端的就業型態。

In Taiwan, the rate of women’s labor participation is significantly lower than that of men’s, more importantly, the modes of job career also differ between sexes. The women’s roles on the family life cycle have been recognized as the primary explanatory factors for these differences. This research attempts to explore the modes of women’s job careers in Taiwan. Using the 1991 wave of “Taiwanese Social Change Surveys” data, we adopt the information regarding married female respondents’ job history since their marriage and found four major modes of job careers in terms of family life cycles: never-stop, stop-after-marriage, stop-after-birth, and never on job. They are accounted for 88.1% of the sample in the study. These findings do not confirm the conventional “M” type of women’s job career argued by previous studies. We further explore the explanatory factors (including individuals’ traits, family background factors, and current family statuses) with the multi-nominal logistic models. Among them, respondents’ schooling, mother whether on job during their childhood, number of children, marriage age, and cohorts are found strongly related to the patterns of job careers. Among women of older cohort, never-on-job and never-stop-job are the major modes of job career.

本文主要討論生育率年齡分布對出生數量與年齡結構的影響，及此一影響在社會福利政策上的意涵。我們使用1956年到1922年的出生與死亡資料，固定生育率年齡分佈於1956年之型態，以1956年為基礎人口代入人口推計程序進行模擬，就其結果與實際人口（緊縮的分佈）之比較，指出由過去育齡人口年齡結構偏重於年輕一端，生育緊縮的實際人口，其出生數量乃較固定生育率年齡分佈模擬的結果來得大，反映於下降的生育率趨勢中則有較小的出生數量降幅，同時產生較低的老年依賴比數值，但由於模擬的期間過短，年齡組成的變化很小。
其次以1992年為基礎人口，設立固定與變化（放鬆與緊縮）的生育年齡分佈型態，產生三組人口推計，進一步說明未來生育率年齡分佈的變化在育兒與養老制度財務上之影響。以固定生育率年齡分佈型態的推計結果為比較基礎，設定生育給付數額為每次21,345元，則生育率年齡分佈所產生的出生數量週期效果，使生育給付有2億2千萬到1千7百萬元之間的變動；如果實施兒童津貼每月3,000元至滿三歲為止，生育率年齡分佈變化產生的週期效果則介於負9千萬到11億之間；如果實施國民年金每人每月8,500元，生育率年齡分佈變化對國民年金費率的影響相當微小，最多只能使費率下降0.25個百分點，不過可以使費用減少56億元，上述各項數值佔總支出的比重雖然不高，但絕對數額仍值得重視。

Based on the cohort component projection, this paper simulates the effects of fertility compression on birth sequence and age composition in Taiwan, and explores the implications for social welfare. As a first step, we fix the fertility schedule on the age pattern of 1956 while leaving the TFR to shift as it was, simulate the single year of age population groups from 1956 to 1992. It is determined that the projected birth numbers are smaller due to the fertility compression combined with the shifting age composition in the real series. It is also shown that the simulation results in a smaller, though not significant in magnitude, old-age dependency ratio than the real series.
As a second step, we subsequently assumed a fixed age pattern of fertility, a compressed pattern and an expanded pattern in a projection of five year of age groups from 1997 to 2097. Given a constant dollar and a base year population at 1992, it is shown that the variation in fertility schedules can bring about a change, ranging from 220 million to 17 million, in total maternity payment of 21,345 NT per live birth, and a change in the range of 1.1 billion to -90 million in total child allowance of 3,000 NT per month per head for the first three years after birth, and a change of zero to 5.6 billion in total pension payment of 8,500 NT per month per head.

本文依據1990年中國大陸人口普查資料探討1980年代省際和省內人口遷移流動情況，1980年代以後，人口遷移方向是自內陸及邊疆省區向沿海地帶移動。人口遷移流動較過去自由，流向都市的人口超過流向鎮和鄉村的人口。遷移人口中，男多於女，務工經商是遷移的首要原因。針對改革開放政策的實施，過去嚴格的戶籍制度，已逐漸失去其功效，造成大量人口流向城市，本文對其所可能帶來的社會與經濟影響加以討論。

This paper studies the inter- and intra-provincial migration patterns, major streams, the demographic characteristics of migrants and their reasons based on the 1990 100% China census. Under the government efforts of moving the market economy, the household registration system gradually loses its function. The social and economic impacts of significant size of floating population to cities are addressed.