A prominent theme of migration literature is the problems of adjustment migrants have living and working in their destinations. Many of these problems are seen to result from migrants coming from less developed areas and being less skilled and educated than the destination population, thus being a result of their poverty. This paper looks at a very different group of migrants, Taiwanese business migrants to Brisbane, Australia. They have come from a country which, while not the most technologically advanced is nonetheless developed. Moreover, they are at least on a par in education level with the host population and in wealth they are far above them.
However, they still have problems of adjustment, not as threatening to physical and mental health as other migrant populations face but problems which nonetheless affect their general happiness and their ability to make a living in the host economy. These problems stem from three major factors: the work skills these migrants brought with them are often unsuitable to the Australian economy as presently structured; the culture and social organization of Australia is quite different to that from Taiwan such that there are difficulties performing even very routine tasks; and the facility in English of most migrants prevents them from having more than the most superficial contact with locals. Their problems of adjustment and the reasons for them are shared with Taiwanese migrant communities studied in the other Western countries.

有關移民文獻的一個主要問題就是，移民到目的地去後所踫到的生活和工作方面的問題。一般學者認為這些問題的來源是因為世界各國大部分的移民是從比較落後的地方來的，並且在教育水準和工作技術方面都比較低，也就是說他們之所以碰到問題是因為他們比較窮。這篇論文的焦點是一些與眾不同的移民，即是從臺灣到澳洲布里斯班來的商業移民。他們是由一個雖然在科技上不是最先進的，但是在經濟上還算是滿發達的國家來的。而且在教育水準方面他們也都與當地的人民並駕齊驅，而在財富方面更是遠富於他們。
不過他們在生活上還是有適應方面的困難，雖然並非與世界上其他各國的移民受到的人身及生命威脅一樣，但是還是會影響他們的精神生活和他們謀生的能力。這些困難有三個主要的來源：一、他們的專業技術不適合澳洲現代的經濟結構；二、澳洲和臺灣的文化及社會構造有所不同，使他們會在一般日常生活當中碰到問題；三、他們的英文程度使他們與當地澳洲人只能在日常生活上有簡單的溝通。布里斯班的臺灣商業移民的生活適應問題基本上與在美國的臺灣移民相當。

This paper analyzes the trends of three dependency measures in Taiwan to observe their relationships and to contemplate their economic implications. The findings indicate that Taiwan`s population is aging much faster than that of the United States, and that the shift from more young and less elderly to less young and more elderly dependents will accelerate in the near future.
It was also found that there have been no significant differences between the labor-force-participation adjusted dependency ratio (LADDR) and the expenditure adjusted dependency ratios (LEADDR) in Taiwan in the past two decades. These ratios were found to be about three times as large as the crude demographic dependency ratios (CDDR). Whether the consistent and stable relationship in Taiwan between LADDR and CDDR is due to Taiwan`s specific conditions or whether there is a systematic functional relationship between the two measures is an issue that needs further study. Finally, the changes in population composition and expenditure indicate that Taiwan`s family burden during the past two decades has been gradually eased because the high consumption group has decreased in size while the low consumption group has increased in size.

本文旨在分析臺灣三種依賴比之長期趨勢，以便探討三者之關係及其經濟涵義。本文發現臺灣之人口老化速度遠快於美國人口之老化。在可見的未來，臺灣將從年輕依賴人口多但老年賴人口少的情況加速轉型為年輕依賴人口少，但老年依賴人口多之情況。
本文也發現在過去二十年中，勞動參與率調整後之依賴比與家庭消費調整後之依賴比，二者並無顯著差異。二者大致約為粗人口依賴比之三倍。勞動參與率調整後之依賴比與粗人口依賴比之穩定關係是臺灣所獨有的，或是二者之間存有一系統性函數關係則有待進一步之研究。最後，臺灣人口組成與家庭消費之變化情形顯示過去二十年裡，臺灣之家庭負擔逐漸減輕，起因是高消費人口群減少，但低消費人口增加。

This paper is to identify and assess the determinants of 1985-90 interprefectural return and onward migrations of the young non-native labor force (aged 25-29 in 1990) in Taiwan, by applying a three-level nested logit model to Appendix h previous migration outcome and (2) the responsiveness to economic opportunities. The following are the main findings. First, disappointments are more likely to result in return migrations, whereas onward migrations are more prone to be induced by the pursuits of newly emerged or better opportunities; however, a large proportion of returnees remain subject to the effects of market forces. Second, the U-shaped effect of previous migration distance in the return/onward model not only supports the disappointment hypothesis, but also reveals its effects on the depreciation of location-specific capital left behind and on the ability to finance further move. Third, return migration is selective of the less educated labor force as opposed to the very strong positive pattern of its onward counterpart. Fourth, agricultural workers are particularly prone to emigrate and choose return option from prefectures with a high non-agricultural share of total employment. Fifth, the relative sensitivity of male and female labor force could be explained to be substantially affected by the patriarchal ideology; within this value system, breadwinners are (1) more prone to move onward, (2) less prone to return, and (3) more responsive to the pushes and pulls of market forces than non-breadwinners.

本文利用行政院主計處1990年戶口及住宅普查資料，運用三層式巢狀邏輯模型，分析及評估1985-90年間臺灣年輕勞動力回流及重覆流動之決定因子。為解釋回流及重覆勞動力流動，除了一般的學理依據之外，本文論述亦強調所謂的「失望假說」及「反應假說」之重要性，本研究主要發現如下。第一、對前次流動結果感到“失望”者於決定再次遷徒時較易選擇回流流動，然有一部份回流流動和連續流動原因類似，即追逐較佳機會所致。第二、前次流動在回流/連續流動模型之Ｕ-型效應不只支持“失望假說”，亦顯示“家鄉”的區域性資本之貶值效應。第三、回流者通常係教育程度較低者，但該負向教育選擇性不若連續流動的正向教育選擇性般強烈。第四、不在本籍之農事工作者較不在本籍之非農事工作者有較高再流動之傾向，且當決定再次流動時，前者較易選擇回流流動。第五、男女性勞動力再次流動亦可能受到所謂的「父權意識型態」之影響，致使家計負責人(大都為男性)較非家計負責人有較高的流動傾向，且於再次流動時較易選擇連續流動，並對勞動市場之推－拉作用亦較非家計負責人敏感。

Single-mother families significantly increased since the end of 1980s in Taiwan, however, a great proportion of them is living under the poverty. Although a large body of studies has examined the issues of single-parent families in Taiwan, none of them have proposed a policy solution to resolve the disadvantageous economic status of these single-mother families. The Child Support Assurance System (CSAS) is designed with the dual goal of preventing poverty and promoting independence for single-mother families. Using the 1992-1994 Family Income and Expenditure Survey in Taiwan, this paper empirically examined the effectiveness of implementing CSAS in Taiwan. The results indicate that enforcing the CSAS should produce a high effectiveness with low costs. The most important benefit is the reduction in the poverty rate of these single-mother families and the improvement in their family income, which in turn improves their economic independence.

臺灣自1980年代末期以來，女單親家庭的數目便有顯著的成長。然而，女單親家庭的貧窮率也偏高。雖然臺灣已有許多的單親研究，還沒有研究針對女單親家庭的貧窮提出政策方案。兒童扶助保證制度是以預防單親家庭的貧窮與促進其獨立為設計原則，其基礎是沒有居住在一起的家長也必須與子女分享其所得，而政府有責任為這些小孩所應得的金額負起徵收責任。本篇文章檢視兒童扶助保證制度的概念，並利用1992-1994年的"家庭收支調查"來模擬兒童扶助保證制度對臺灣單親家庭的效果。結果顯示，它是一種低成本且高效益的方案，最重要的優點是它有效地增加女單親家庭的收入並減低她們的貧窮率。

不同的生命週期階段與家庭型態，其貧窮率會有所不同；而不同人口年輪的貧窮率，也會因為人口年輪的人口量差異而影響貧窮率。本文採用人口學研究中有關年齡、時期與人口年輪的分析模型(Age-Period-Cohort Model)來處理歷年來不同家庭型態的貧窮決因素。
在人口年輪的效果部分，男性家戶戶長的人口年輪中，僅出生於1938至1947年的兩個人口年輪的貧窮率與平均水準有顯著的差異，此可能為戰爭效應的影響。女性家戶戶長雖有女性貧窮化的現象，唯不甚明顯。
時期效果方面，男性家戶戶長的貧窮率呈先降後升再降的不穩定狀態，臺灣的平均所得在研究期間內持續上升，而所得不均度也持續上升，兩力量的折衝使時期別效果時升時降。對女性家戶戶長而言，貧窮率亦呈現不穩定的狀態，可能因為女性戶長多集中在低所得工作，總體經濟變遷對她們影響較小。
就年齡效果而言，大致上與理論預期相仿。男性戶長在35至44歲以及60歲以上的家庭有較高的貧窮率，30歲以下的男性戶長，由於父母仍多處於工作年齡，因此貧窮率較低。45-54歲的男性戶長有較低的貧窮率，與子女已經成長，及戶長的薪資較前期為高所致。女性家戶戶長和男性家戶戶長的趨勢一致。與男性家戶戶長不同者，女性家戶戶長年齡在55-59歲者的貧窮機會較高，顯示女性的貧窮機會可能比男性提早來臨。

Poverty rates are known to differ over the stages of life cycle and by family types. Poverty rates of cohorts are also known to be affected by their sizes. This paper uses a demographic model, the Age-Period-Cohort model to assess factors affecting poverty rates among different family types.
We found that in the cohort effect on poverty rates among different family types, only male households whose heads were born in the 1938-1947 period showed significant differences both in terms of poverty rate and the means poverty level. This could be due to the effect of World War II. Although some feminization of poverty was observed, no significant difference was found.
In the period effect on poverty rates among different family types, we found an unstable S shape curve among male heads, a decline in rates first followed by an increase only to be followed by further decline later. This seems to indicate that a continuing ascendant in average income and in income inequality during the study period were responsible for the unstable result. The same was also true among female heads. However, this was due to the fact that female heads tended to work in low wages sectors. The changes in macro economic conditions did little improve the income of female heads.
In the age effect on poverty rates among different family types, we found male headed households whose heads were 35-44 years old or 60 years old and elder tended to show higher poverty rates. In those same households whose members age 30 or under tended to have lower poverty rates than others, due to the fact that most of their parents were in working age; and those members age were 45-54 years old also showed lower poverty rates due to the fact that their children had grown and their incomes were higher than previous period. The same trends held true for female heads with the exception for those members age 55-59 years old who showed higher poverty rates. This showed that female heads would enter poverty early than their male counterparts.

在過去文獻所提到的老化定義只是單就年齡的相對分配而言，但並未對社會中的最適年齡結構進行分析。舉例說明，開發中國家或是人口轉型初期的社會多面臨著較高的生育率，因此該社會的人口年齡結構太過年輕化，這對於整個國家或是勞動市場的勞動生產力而言未必是件好事。但如果該社會能適時適量地降低其人口成長率(如：控制生育率)，卻可能對該社會有很大的助益；然而就人口年齡結構而言，該社會卻步向老化的方向。因此，我們要賦予人口老化一個比較明確的定義，那就是：該社會何時步入老化的境界，必須視其人口結構是否已趨於一個較不利的狀況，而這個臨界點便是該社會的最適人口成長率。故如何詮釋出社會的最適人口成長率將是本文主要的研究目的。 我們根據Chu(1997)利用「一階隨機優勢」的概念先定義出何謂「老化」，而後證明在某些經濟目標之：“高於最適人口成長時的人口老化，將使此經濟目標有所改善；而低於最適人口成長時的人口老化，將會使此經濟目標惡化。”我們可針對不同的經濟目標進行分析，如：人口扶養比、個人所得分配或是租稅負擔等。

Previous literature has defined "population aging" only based on the relative age distribution of a nation`s population, let alone the discussion regarding an optimal age distribution for a nation. For example, many developing countries have relatively high birth rates, by definition they are relatively "young" countries, which may be harmful in terms of the productivity for a nation as a whole. These countries may be better off economically by effectively lowering their birth rate and facing an "aging" problem. Therefore, we have to redefine the "aging", not by looking at the age distribution, but by looking at when the age structure starts to have a negative economical impact to the society; at which we call it the optimal population growth rate. The research is to propose a theoretical framework, which can provide an analytical model of finding an optimal population growth path for a society.
The research will use Chu`s (1997) first-degree stochastic dominance analytical framework to define "aging" and prove that a society can improve some economic objectives (for example, dependency ratio, individual income distribution, tax burden etc.) by effectively reducing the birth rate, when the population growth is above the optimal level. On the other hand, a society`s economic objective would deteriorate when aging occurs at the time that population growth is below the optimal level.

近來老年人與子女同住的比率下降，似乎顯示兩代的同居傾向下降；唯兩代同居傾向欲影響老年居住安排必須以「兩代並存」為前提，老年人與子女同居比率的下降可能是實質傾向的降低，也可能是無子女可供同居的老年人增加。無子女可供同居的老人增加乃因光復初期大陸來臺軍人多已進入老年，而其中有一大部份終生未婚。本文首先利用行政院國軍退除役官兵輔導委員會統計資料，討論資深榮民人數的變化，及其對老年人居住安排所產生的影響。其次利用「老人狀況調查」資料，分析1986至1996年間已婚老人居住安排的變化情形。最後則使用行政院主計處的「婦女婚育與就業調查」以及臺灣省家庭計劃研究所之「臺灣地區老人保健及生活問題調查」，來討論晚近子女數量與同居傾向的變化。研究結果顯示，排除資深榮民的影響後，雖然老年人與子女同居比率因而上升，卻不影響老年居住安排的變遷趨勢。而1980年以來老年人的子女數量無顯著變化，標準化年齡與婚姻組成之後，與子女同居的比率仍然下降，顯示實質的同居傾向確有降低的趨勢；不過其降幅僅一成左右，對有子女的老人而言，與子女同居仍占六成以上。

While the elderly living alone with/without the spouse present is becoming a phenomenon in Taiwan, this paper examines the living arrangement of the elderly systematically. It is found that though the proportion of elderly living with their children has declined during the past two decades, most of the decrease can be attributed to the increase in the proportion of elderly living only with the spouse. The remnant of this increase in the proportion of elderly living alone can be attributed to the aging and retiring of the more than 600,000 soldiers brought to Taiwan after the nationalists retreated from the Mainland China in 1949. There are roughly 400,000 veterans of age 65 and plus on 1996 and 21% of them have remained unmarried. We found that counting only the ever-married, 9.02% of the elderly live in solitude in 1996 as compared to 12.01% counting all the elderly. Consequently 67.40% of the ever-married elderly live with the children while 64.49% of all the elderly live with the children in 1996. Focusing on the ever-married elderly, we found the decrease in proportion living with the children replaced by the increase in proportion living with only the spouse. It is also possibly related to the decreased propensity to live with the children, due to the socioeconomic changes generalized as a process of modernization. It should be noted, however that living with the children remains the predominant type of living arrangement among the ever-married elderly in 1996.