臺灣對於家庭結構的研究業已累積豐碩成果，惟過往研究較少由家庭動態發展的角度來瞭解家庭如何隨著時間進展進行自我結構之分裂與重組。本文以「經濟發展與婦女家庭地位：臺灣的家庭結構、婦女就業型態與家庭權力結構之關聯」研究計畫為分析素材，以回溯性資料替代貫時性資料，由924位已婚婦女在各生命階段居住經驗之轉變過程，勾勒臺灣家庭內部結構分合的發展軌跡。研究發現，在各種家庭結構中，核心家庭是最具韌性、最不易改變的結構型態，但隨著子代進入適婚年齡，核心家庭便開始因為已婚兒、媳加入而擴張為折衷家庭，換句話說，臺灣折衷家庭的增加主要是因為子代婚姻關係改變所致；相對的，上代折衷與擴大家庭則明顯隨時間不斷分化為核心家庭。在婦女出生至結婚前這段時間內，一直住在核心家庭（31.5%）、一直住在折衷家庭（11.3%）、從上代折衷變核心家庭（12.9%）、從核心家庭變成平輩折衷家庭（8.8%）是婦女最常見的四種居住經驗。婦女嫁入夫家至最小子女上學前這段時間內，家庭結構變遷模式與婦女婚前經驗相符合，核心家庭依然強勢維持舊貌，夫家折衷與擴大家庭則隨時間不斷分化為核心家庭。婚後一直住在核心家庭（36.4%）、一直與公婆同住（24.3%）、從折衷家庭分化為核心家庭（11.9%）、一直住在擴大家庭（9.4%）、從擴大家庭分化成為核心家庭（5.3%）是婦女婚後典型居住經驗。然而，若參考有完整家庭階段經驗之婦女，則可發現核心家庭隨子代結婚再度聚合為折衷、擴大等複式家庭的趨勢亦十分明顯。質化分析則指出，家庭內部結構改變會影響家人互動及權力結構重組，因此，未來需繼續加強家庭結構分、合的

Changes in the family structure have been a focal interest among social scientists in Taiwan. However, most studies rarely pay attention to the dynamic process of structural fission as well as expansion within the family system itself. This paper examines 924 married Taiwanese women’s living arrangement experiences in several consecutive life stages and intends to delineate the internal split and reuniting processes within the family structure. Findings show that as expected, the nuclear family is the most dominant and tenacious family structure, but the transition from nuclear to stem family often results from the inclusion of married son(s) and daughter(s)-in-law. In other words, the emergence of the stem family in a family’s development is a product of the expansion of the second generation from single to married status, and is thus labeled the horizontal stem family. An opposite trend simultaneously occurring is the stem and extended families of the first generation that continue to divide into various nuclear families. During the stages from a female’s birth to right before marriage, the most common living arrangement experiences are: always nuclear family (31.5%), always stem family (11.3%), divided from the first generation stem family to the nuclear family (12.9%), and expanded from the nuclear family to the horizontal stem family (8.8%). After a female becomes married and through up until the youngest child enters elementary school, the nuclear family remains as the strongest family structure while the paternal stem and extended families gradually split into other types. Specifically, the typical living arrangement includes: always nuclear family (36.4%), always paternal stem family (24.3%), always paternal extended family (9.4%), divided from stem to nuclear family (11.9%), and divided from extended to nuclear family (5.3%). Family fission appears to be the salient feature accompanied by a female’s changing marital status. However, with reference to those females with completed family life stages, it becomes clear that family expansion, namely from nuclear to stem or extended families with the second generation’s marriage, is a noticeable trend. The qualitative analysis illustrated in the last section points out the importance of the developmental change of the internal family structure which affects family interaction as well as a family’s power structure. The paper concludes that the dynamic process of family fission and family expansion requires further examination in order to specify how structural changes in the family system may shape and influence familial attitudes and values.

Some scholars argue that the significant decrease in fertility is due to social and economic development, and has nothing to do with promotion of family planning. However, Taiwan`s experience shows that, although social and economic development has contributed to the decline of fertility after the Second World War, the promotion of a family planning program has expedited the process. The social norm in Taiwan has changed from “The more children you have the happier you are” to“ Two children are just right”, due largely to intensive family planning education carried out in the program. Moreover, the universal provision of effective and low-cost contraceptives to eligible couples has helped the contraceptive practice rate to rise very quickly. These actions have enabled couples to control their fertility to the declining, level of the ideal number of children. Thus, Taiwan has been able to complete its “Demographic Transition” in 70 years. This paper discusses briefly the process of Taiwan’s family planning program development, the theory and methods of promotion, and evaluation of its effectiveness. It also points out the future direction of the program, providing a review and discussion of a national policy.

有些學者指出，出生率之下降，主要是社會經濟發展的結果，和家庭計畫無關。惟，臺灣的經驗顯示，社會經濟的發展，固然對生育率的下降有貢獻，但家庭計畫之推行，卻有加速生育率下降的功能。臺灣的社會觀念，由「多子多孫多福氣」轉為「兩個孩子恰恰好」的想法，家庭計畫教育所扮演的角色不可忽視，而在計畫中普遍提供有效而廉價的避孕方法，迅速提高全民的避孕實行率，讓民眾能隨心控制其生育，以實現其逐年下，降的理想子女數，使臺灣於短短七十年間就完成人口增加型態的過程，實值得其他發展中國家參考。本文簡要檢討臺灣家庭計畫發展的過程、推行的理倫基礎與方法、以及效果的評價，並提示將來發展的方向，是一種政策的回顧與檢討。

本文利用內政部出版之臺閩人口統計資料，分析人口轉型後臺灣地區生育水準的變化情形及相關因素，再進一步利用行政院衛生署家庭計畫研究所於1992及1998年辦理的「臺灣地區家庭與生育力調查」資料，分析有偶婦女之生育態度及實際生育狀況、育齡婦女對婚姻的態度等，藉以掌握未來生育水準的發展趨勢。 臺灣地區在1983年完成人口轉型後，總生育率一直下降並低於替代水準，至1991年後維持在1.7左右。這個現象主要是由於晚婚或是三十歲，以下的有偶率顯著下降所致。依據1998年的KAP調查資料顯示，我國20-49歲已婚婦女不想要子女的佔不到一個百分點，而只想有個獨生孩子的婦女也達不到五個百分點，超過九成的已婚婦女希望生育兩個以上的子女。從，1992年、1998年前後兩次的KAP調查資料也清楚顯示，平均理想子女數幾乎維持在2.4，雖然平均期望子女數略有下降，但也還高達2.27。「兩個孩子恰恰好」仍是我國社會目前的理想生育規範。相關的分析也指出，大專以上的有偶婦女或是工作性質為受雇的有偶婦女，雖然平均理想或期望子女數仍大於二，可是這些婦女往往因養育子女的精神或機會成本過高而不會充分實現其生育理想或期望。若此現象繼續維持下去，則未來婦女教育程度進一步提高，或是加入就業市場的比率增加，都勢必影響總生育率的回升。

Taiwan’s net reproduction rate (NRR) fell to 1.0 in 1983 and has been below-replacement levels since 1984. This paper is concerned with the trends in total fertility rates (TFR) between 1984 and 1997. In the course of this undertaking, general macro-level data from the population register were analyzed. A more precise analysis is also based on micro-level data from the two KAP surveys of women of childbearing age conducted in 1992 and 1998, respectively. Ever since 1983, the below-replacement fertility level has been entirely the result of the trend toward later marriage with older age distributions facilitating the decline. The mean preferred number of children has almost remained unchanged between 1992 and 1998, and is still above the replacement level for all age or education groups. However, a woman’s status of being in a higher educational strata or being employed means that it would be less likely for them to actually have their preferred number of children be completely realized.

The arrival of Taiwanese migrants to Australia represents the second major wave of Chinese immigration to this nation. Many who entered Australia did so as business migrants. They were typically well-educated, affluent professionals, managers, and/or entrepreneurs who were looking for new business opportunities as well as a lifestyle characterized by open space, clean air, a good education for their children, and personal and political safety. Yet, the settlement experiences of many Taiwanese migrants, despite their affluence and (business) skills, have been typified by stress and hardship, particularly in making adjustments in social, business, and economic relationships. A review of statistical data compiled from census and government reports in Australia has revealed that after a decade Down Under, the Taiwanese settler group was still characterized by high unemployment even when compared to other Chinese migrant groups from Hong Kong and mainland China. It is suggested that the Taiwanese migrants` persistent high non-participation in Australia`s labor force is indicative and poignant of their highly distinctive, albeit not exclusive in the broader Chinese migrant terms, experience of migration settlement. There seems to be an increasing number of Taiwanese settlers returning to resettle in Taiwan in recent years, because of perceived better employment and business opportunities or for family and personal reasons. Recent interviews with Taiwanese settlers have also suggested that the most recent arrivals, being more aware of the obstacles in achieving work or business satisfaction during settlement, seem less likely to commit themselves to lifelong settlement in Australia.

華人移居澳洲的第二波是臺灣移民，一般來說，他們大多數是教育程度較高的專業及經理級人士或企業家，多半以投資或商業移民的方式移居澳洲。對他們來說，澳洲的優良生活環境及生活方式一包括良好的空氣品質，廣大的活動空間，良好的社會秩序和穩定的政局，以及良好的大學教育供子女就讀。然而對這些較為富裕且會經商的移民而言，定居澳洲的經驗卻是充滿著壓力與困難，尤其以在社會或工作所須的自我調適為最。 從澳洲普查資料及其他政府出版品所彙集的資料顯示，儘管移居澳洲的臺灣移民在澳時間已達十年，沒有工作的臺灣移民人數比例卻高於來自，香港的移民。和其他華人移民相較之下，臺灣移民較低的勞動參與率是相當奇特的。近年來，愈來愈多的臺灣移民，由於意識到在臺灣可能有較好，工作或商機、加上個人及家庭的因素，紛紛選擇回流臺灣。近期移居澳洲的臺灣移民，似乎對在澳洲生活及工作的困境有比較深刻的瞭解，很多已表示不會打算永久定居澳洲。

本文研究對象為臺灣地區1982、1992、及2000年的全職非農業就業人口，透過經濟學與社會學相關理論的引導，建構一包含人力資本、工作結構、家庭限制、及擁擠理論變項的模型，用以解釋兩性間平均薪資差異及變遷。研究發現在上述變項未經控制及控制的情形下，男性平均薪資仍較女性顯著為高，但是這項差距在1982至2000年期間已有逐漸縮小的趨勢，例如經控制相關變項後，男性平均薪資在1982、1992、及2000年分，別較女性多出30%、31%、及27%。 經以兩性平均薪資差異進行分解，發現在四組變項中，以人力資本所能解釋兩性薪資差異的比率為最高，在三個時期中分別為15%、12%、及，14%，顯示男性較女性在人力資本上仍綜合佔有優勢，特別是在年齡與年資部分；工作結構變項所能解釋兩性薪資差異的比例則分別為6%、3%、及8%'這也反映女性在工作結構的綜合分佈上，仍較男性為不利，特別是兩性在階級身份的分佈上仍明顯有別；而家庭限制變項並未能解釋顯著的兩性薪資差異，但是擁擠理論變項則有遞增的解釋力，三個時期解釋此例分別為-1%、8%、9%，顯示女性被區隔至女性化職業仍是造成兩性薪資差異重要的因素。 本研究同時比較歷年兩性薪資差異無法為上述四組變項解釋的殘差比率，結果發現這項殘差比率有遞增的趨勢，分別為55%、67%、及74%，顯示女性仍面臨該四組變項以外的其他新增歧視因素而這些新增的，歧視因素預期不僅會影響薪資水準，且與性別間存在相當關聯，未來宜進一步探索現階段就業市場中對女性可能新增的薪資歧視因素。

Based on the samples of full-time, non-farm labor force from the 1982, 1992, and 2000 Taiwanese Labor Utilization Surveys, an earnings determination model, constructed from the perspectives of human capital, segmented labor markets, a family constraint, and crowding theory, is used to examine the changes of gender differences in earnings in Taiwan. Given that the individual and job characteristics have been controlled, the results indicate that the male labor force`s average monthly earnings are 30%, 31 %,and 27% greater than those of the female labor force respectively in 1982, 1992, and 2000. Generally speaking, the gender gap in earnings has been on the decline in the past 20 years. The results of a decomposing gender gap in earnings indicate that a 15%, 12%, and 14% gender gap in earnings is due to gender differences of human capital respectively in 1982, 1992, and 2000. At the same time, the perspectives of segmented labor market theory and crowding theory can also explain the non-trivial portion of the gender gap in earnings. However, there are no significant findings revealling that family constraints have resulted in a gender gap in earnings. Finally, the 55%, 67%, and 74% gender gap in earnings is still unexplainable by the model for 1982, 1992, and 2000. respectively. The increasing portions of the model’s residual indicate that some potential factors causing the gender gap in earnings still have not ,been considered in the model. The implications of the findings are also discussed in the paper.