Changes in the family structure have been a focal interest among social scientists in Taiwan. However, most studies rarely pay attention to the dynamic process of structural fission as well as expansion within the family system itself. This paper examines 924 married Taiwanese women’s living arrangement experiences in several consecutive life stages and intends to delineate the internal split and reuniting processes within the family structure. Findings show that as expected, the nuclear family is the most dominant and tenacious family structure, but the transition from nuclear to stem family often results from the inclusion of married son(s) and daughter(s)-in-law. In other words, the emergence of the stem family in a family’s development is a product of the expansion of the second generation from single to married status, and is thus labeled the horizontal stem family. An opposite trend simultaneously occurring is the stem and extended families of the first generation that continue to divide into various nuclear families. During the stages from a female’s birth to right before marriage, the most common living arrangement experiences are: always nuclear family (31.5%), always stem family (11.3%), divided from the first generation stem family to the nuclear family (12.9%), and expanded from the nuclear family to the horizontal stem family (8.8%). After a female becomes married and through up until the youngest child enters elementary school, the nuclear family remains as the strongest family structure while the paternal stem and extended families gradually split into other types. Specifically, the typical living arrangement includes: always nuclear family (36.4%), always paternal stem family (24.3%), always paternal extended family (9.4%), divided from stem to nuclear family (11.9%), and divided from extended to nuclear family (5.3%). Family fission appears to be the salient feature accompanied by a female’s changing marital status. However, with reference to those females with completed family life stages, it becomes clear that family expansion, namely from nuclear to stem or extended families with the second generation’s marriage, is a noticeable trend. The qualitative analysis illustrated in the last section points out the importance of the developmental change of the internal family structure which affects family interaction as well as a family’s power structure. The paper concludes that the dynamic process of family fission and family expansion requires further examination in order to specify how structural changes in the family system may shape and influence familial attitudes and values.

Some scholars argue that the significant decrease in fertility is due to social and economic development, and has nothing to do with promotion of family planning. However, Taiwan`s experience shows that, although social and economic development has contributed to the decline of fertility after the Second World War, the promotion of a family planning program has expedited the process. The social norm in Taiwan has changed from “The more children you have the happier you are” to“ Two children are just right”, due largely to intensive family planning education carried out in the program. Moreover, the universal provision of effective and low-cost contraceptives to eligible couples has helped the contraceptive practice rate to rise very quickly. These actions have enabled couples to control their fertility to the declining, level of the ideal number of children. Thus, Taiwan has been able to complete its “Demographic Transition” in 70 years. This paper discusses briefly the process of Taiwan’s family planning program development, the theory and methods of promotion, and evaluation of its effectiveness. It also points out the future direction of the program, providing a review and discussion of a national policy.

Taiwan’s net reproduction rate (NRR) fell to 1.0 in 1983 and has been below-replacement levels since 1984. This paper is concerned with the trends in total fertility rates (TFR) between 1984 and 1997. In the course of this undertaking, general macro-level data from the population register were analyzed. A more precise analysis is also based on micro-level data from the two KAP surveys of women of childbearing age conducted in 1992 and 1998, respectively. Ever since 1983, the below-replacement fertility level has been entirely the result of the trend toward later marriage with older age distributions facilitating the decline. The mean preferred number of children has almost remained unchanged between 1992 and 1998, and is still above the replacement level for all age or education groups. However, a woman’s status of being in a higher educational strata or being employed means that it would be less likely for them to actually have their preferred number of children be completely realized.

The arrival of Taiwanese migrants to Australia represents the second major wave of Chinese immigration to this nation. Many who entered Australia did so as business migrants. They were typically well-educated, affluent professionals, managers, and/or entrepreneurs who were looking for new business opportunities as well as a lifestyle characterized by open space, clean air, a good education for their children, and personal and political safety. Yet, the settlement experiences of many Taiwanese migrants, despite their affluence and (business) skills, have been typified by stress and hardship, particularly in making adjustments in social, business, and economic relationships. A review of statistical data compiled from census and government reports in Australia has revealed that after a decade Down Under, the Taiwanese settler group was still characterized by high unemployment even when compared to other Chinese migrant groups from Hong Kong and mainland China. It is suggested that the Taiwanese migrants` persistent high non-participation in Australia`s labor force is indicative and poignant of their highly distinctive, albeit not exclusive in the broader Chinese migrant terms, experience of migration settlement. There seems to be an increasing number of Taiwanese settlers returning to resettle in Taiwan in recent years, because of perceived better employment and business opportunities or for family and personal reasons. Recent interviews with Taiwanese settlers have also suggested that the most recent arrivals, being more aware of the obstacles in achieving work or business satisfaction during settlement, seem less likely to commit themselves to lifelong settlement in Australia.

Based on the samples of full-time, non-farm labor force from the 1982, 1992, and 2000 Taiwanese Labor Utilization Surveys, an earnings determination model, constructed from the perspectives of human capital, segmented labor markets, a family constraint, and crowding theory, is used to examine the changes of gender differences in earnings in Taiwan. Given that the individual and job characteristics have been controlled, the results indicate that the male labor force`s average monthly earnings are 30%, 31 %,and 27% greater than those of the female labor force respectively in 1982, 1992, and 2000. Generally speaking, the gender gap in earnings has been on the decline in the past 20 years. The results of a decomposing gender gap in earnings indicate that a 15%, 12%, and 14% gender gap in earnings is due to gender differences of human capital respectively in 1982, 1992, and 2000. At the same time, the perspectives of segmented labor market theory and crowding theory can also explain the non-trivial portion of the gender gap in earnings. However, there are no significant findings revealling that family constraints have resulted in a gender gap in earnings. Finally, the 55%, 67%, and 74% gender gap in earnings is still unexplainable by the model for 1982, 1992, and 2000. respectively. The increasing portions of the model’s residual indicate that some potential factors causing the gender gap in earnings still have not ,been considered in the model. The implications of the findings are also discussed in the paper.